capacities.317 Capacity and logistical problems undermine the work of legislatures in a number of countries.318 Party political issues (rifts between the governing party and the opposition, party discipline or insufficient regard given to opposition parties) have also undermined the work of legislatures, particularly regarding their oversight functions.319 The Ghana CRR provides a concise view of the problems facing its legislature, which are applicable to many others:320 During stakeholder meetings and, in particular, meetings with MPs in Accra, the point was repeatedly made that Parliament is neither effective nor independent of the Executive branch. Minority or opposition members of Parliament claim that, unlike the judiciary, Parliament is solely dependent on the Executive. 2. It is important to stress that the CRRs do not dwell exclusively on failings. A positive message to emerge from the APRM is that, for all their limitations, the continent‘s courts are making some progress. Thus, the Nigeria CRR records that the country‘s judiciary has risen in the public‘s esteem, the considerable challenges it faces notwithstanding.321 In this respect, South Africa is noteworthy. The CRR commends the high standards its judiciary has maintained, while noting that it is pursuing its own ‗transformation‘ project, attempting to ensure greater racial and gender representation within its ranks.322 Bottleneck 12: Lack of domestic resource mobilisation, with a focus on fiscal revenues from natural resources What – or what more – can the APRM do about attacks on democracy and governance Concept On these issues, the CRRs are detailed and for the most part quite forthright. As democratisation and constitutionalism touch on sensitive political issues, it is to the APRM‘s great credit that it has been willing and able to probe them and point out weaknesses. 1. The most important contribution that the APRM can make is to continue to pronounce forthrightly on governance and democratic failures. These are sensitive issues, but must be overcome for Africa‘s future development. The APRM should continue to do so without fear or favour. The APRM would do a great service to the continent‘s future if it remains candid in pointing out their shortcomings, and demanding suitable remedial action. Fortifying the APRM position are the large number of 317 318 319 320 321 322 standards specifying countries‘ obligations. It should continue to use these as yardsticks of what is expected of each country. And while countries‘ historical and cultural backgrounds inform their current political systems, they should not be a means to avoid their responsibilities in terms of the standards and the conduct that the APRM demands. The APRM should, in other words, not be afraid to require reform where this is merited. In terms of content in the APRM‘s reviews, value could be added by ensuring that when countries’ electoral systems are investigated, they take into account the overall political context and the period preceding actual votes. In other words, the APRM should investigate the environment within which elections happen so as to gauge whether the electoral process as a whole is free and fair, and reflects the will of citizens. Country Self-Assessment processes should canvass this, and where they conduct surveys, questions soliciting citizens‘ views on the electoral environment should be asked. Funding Africa‘s development has always been a hotly contested point. Its reliance on foreign development partners has raised questions about the extent to which the continent is in control of its development agenda. It has also been argued that a reliance on external funding has broken the chain of accountability that ought to run between citizens and states. The fact that Africa is home to significant reserves of minerals and oil and gas, and that the exploitation of these resources is often a major source of illicit outflow of financial resources from the continent, underscores the gravity of this bottleneck on Africa‘s development. This section is related to Bottlenecks no. 2 (interference with the private sector), no. 5 lack of industrialisation and low value addition), no. 8 (under-development of agriculture), and no. 9 (underdevelopment of the services sector). South Africa CRR, p. 99. Benin CRR, p. 94; Mozambique CRR, p. 175; Sierra Leone CRR, p. 119 Benin CRR, p. 77; Mozambique CRR, pp. 37, 175. Ghana CRR, p. 29. Nigeria CRR, pp. 102–103. South Africa CRR, pp. 98–99, 100–101. What the APRM does about lack of domestic resource mobilisation This issue finds little direct expression in the APRM, although the question of resource mobilisation is 59