A number of standards refer to the need for industrialisation, with the following being the clearest and most important:     The international context Much of Africa was introduced to global markets during the colonial era in a subordinate position, typically to supply primary products for processing abroad. Its failure to industrialise (outside a few pockets) in past decades has now been compounded by a global trade regime that stresses openness – thus closing some of the avenues that were used by early industrialisers, such as tariff protection. This is true both at the multilateral level (in terms of World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules), and bilaterally, which naturally restricts the policy space available for countries to design and implement their own industrialisation strategies. Consequently, African markets are relatively open to imports of foreign manufactured goods. As a UNECA report observed:125 OAU, Memorandum of Understanding, Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Co-operation in Africa (2002, Durban, South Africa) OAU, The New Partnership for Africa‘s Development (NEPAD) (2001) OAU, Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (1991, Abuja, Nigeria) UN, World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg Declaration on Sustainable Development (2002, Johannesburg, South Africa) For the most part, the standards articulate the commitment to industrialise in aspirational terms. These documents envisage Africa expanding and modernising its industrial base, creating both small-scale and large multinational firms. African countries would enter the world market, focusing particularly on those areas in which they have comparative advantages, joining international standards organisations and establishing necessary testing and certification facilities. The CSSDCA Memorandum of Understanding (although more than a decade old now) sets out the following goal: ‗[to increase] value added in manufacturing in the Continent from the current 17% to 25% by the year 2010. For countries that have not achieved the average African level, to double the level of manufacturing every 10 years till it reaches the average for African countries.‘ The WTO is committed to trade liberalisation and in general dislikes any sort of government intervention that would impede the flows of trade. To this end, the organisation is one of the main drivers of the prevalent policy orthodoxy that argues against the use of industrial policy by developing countries. A parallel proliferation of bilateral and regional agreements on trade and investment has further expanded the scope of these restrictions. Sanctioned by the WTO, these agreements usually tend to apply trade liberalisation beyond the levels agreed under WTO commitments. Under some schemes, developed countries have even pushed nontrade issues as a condition for enhanced access to their markets by developing countries. These issues can put a further cap on industrial policy efforts. For its part, Agenda 2063 sees industrial development as a key part of the continent‘s future. Its vision is as follows:124 Accelerated manufacturing activities will result in the 2063 share of manufacturing in GDP rising to at least 50% and its value added would rise to five-fold. The sector will absorb at least 50% of new entrants to the labour market. At least 90% of all agricultural exports will be processed locally (value addition). By 2063, the share of technology-driven manufacturing firms in total manufacturing output will rise above 50%. Africa will effectively participate in global value chains, not at the low but at the high end of the chain. However, as the same UNECA report underlines, while these agreements pose ―a serious threat to developing countries‘ chances of industrial progress … the situation is not entirely fatal at least with regard to multilateral rules. There are many industrial policy measures which can still be used legally.‖126 African countries need to exploit the flexibilities already embedded in those agreements. Indeed, Africa should not look at these agreements as if they are cast in stone. One thing we know about the WTO, for example, is that it is a forum for almost constant negotiations, not just to create new rules but also to amend existing ones to fit new realities and demands. To succeed, one of the most urgent priorities should be for Africa to speak in one voice in defence of its interests. The APRM can serve as an additional forum to champion this goal. The countries reviewed are at various stages of development, with the more developed among them – notably South Africa and Mauritius – having fairly well-advanced industrial sectors. However, it is broadly accurate to say that, despite a near universal commitment to diversify the continent‘s economies, industry on the continent is still experiencing difficult times. 125 124 126 Agenda 2063, p. 6. 33 UNECA, above n. 119, p. 115 UNECA above n. 119, p. 115.