CHAPTER THREE: DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL GOVERNANCE _____________________________________________________________________ the country is emerging from the trauma of emergency or revolutionary regimes, and the caution exercised in undertaking democratic consolidation is certainly a reflection of this. Basic self-assessment documents, many complementary documentary sources (the constitution, laws, various studies and reports), as well as the information gathered by the mission during visits on the ground, revealed the effectiveness of Burkinabe democracy since the return to multiparty democracy. 173. The right of citizens to participate in the management of public affairs is recognised by the constitution, as is the sovereignty of the people. This is in accordance with the provisions of relevant international conventions. The CRM observed, however, that, while contributing significantly to the development of the country, Burkina Faso people living abroad – that is, 7 to 8 million people – did not participate in the voting. This limitation of the exercise of a fundamental right should receive special attention from the authorities, particularly as the mobilisation of the diaspora seems to be an important dimension of the national poverty reduction strategy. Box no. 3.4: Political parties: between freedom, ethics, equity and responsibility Political parties are constitutionally recognised (by Article 13 of the 1991 constitution) and enjoy a particularly liberal status. They are governed mainly by the Act of 29 November 2001, which created the Charter of Political Parties and their formation in Burkina Faso, and by the Act of 25 April 2000, which relates to the status of the opposition. Under the law, political parties are allowed to form freely. Their ability to act in their full capacity is subject to a declaration by them against issuance of a certificate of recognition by the administration. The former act furthermore defines the rights and obligations of political parties. The framework relating to the organisation and actions of the opposition is, for its part, governed by the Act of 2000 on the status of the opposition. The framework comprises all parties that are not members of the parliamentary majority, that is, both parliamentary and extraparliamentary opposition. This definition of the opposition in relation to the parliamentary majority, and not the government, is a source of diverse and vehement protests – in Parliament as well, where the appointment of the leader of the opposition has been a source of strife and political stalemate. Public funding of political parties is governed by the Act of 2 May 2000. The financing of political parties involved in electoral campaigns takes place in advance and in proportion to the number of candidates nominated, while funding of parties outside electoral campaigns is granted to all political parties that obtained at least 5% of the votes cast in the last legislative elections (Article 14). There is little effective implementation of the legal provision relating to the presentation of accounts by political parties and to their audit by the Audit Office. This is to be deplored. The law is, however, silent as to the private funding of political parties, as to ceilings for campaign expenditure, and as to the suppression of secret financing. Consequently, many abuses are reported by stakeholders. It should be stressed, on the other hand, that the proliferation of political parties (140 parties officially registered in March 2008), which is bolstered by the secessionist manipulations of the majority, is a feature contributing to the malfunctioning of democracy. The result is fictitious accession of members, unsatisfactory human resources, nonviability of parties, a lack of conviction and social projects, insufficient training, a lack of supervision of activists, Lilliputian parties, a hunt for electoral premiums, transhumance, political nomadism, mercantilism created by and for the benefit of the ruling party, a lack of internal democracy 99