CHAPTER THREE: DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL GOVERNANCE __________________________________________________________________________ assured if the vision is defined, appropriated and implemented using the participatory approach. The CRM is pleased to note the determination of the head of state to explain and share his vision with the people who elected him. It is hoped that beyond the president’s commitment and passion to explain his vision and actions, the concept of ‘concerted governance’ will be established as part of the dynamic of a pragmatic and truly participatory leadership. 218. The independence of the legislature. The independence of the legislature in Benin is guaranteed by law and in practise. The institutional machinery, which is both constitutional and legislative, conforms to the required standards in more than name only. The same is true of the immunities and material guarantees that come with the work of Parliament. 219. Benin’s Parliament is also financially independent. Interference by the Executive in the work of Parliament, and conflicts caused by the government being brought before Parliament to answer for its actions, are rare in Benin. Since the Executive does not have the right to dissolve Parliament – which is a feature of presidential governments – Parliament performs its duties in peace. The institutional stability of the legislature in Benin is certainly due to democracy in the country. 220. This does not mean, though, that Benin is free from the weaknesses in, and decline of, African parliaments. The National Assembly is weak and underequipped, MPs are not always well trained and lack proper assistance, administrative staff is poorly trained and highly politicised, there is a lack of initiative in legislative matters, there are not enough staff and experts to ensure effective control of government action, deliberations are slow, the intellectual and technical quality of debates is poor, and so on. Since multiple legislatures were established in 1991, only five out of 12 parliamentary commissions of inquiry have submitted reports which have been considered in plenary; only three parliamentary questions made it to the floor for a full debate; fewer than 500 laws have been passed; and only about 200 questions (written or verbal, with or without debate, including questions on topical issues) have been addressed to the government. Recourse to foreign expertise will, for the moment, hardly help the Beninese National Assembly find solutions to its problems. Furthermore, the lack of official opposition does not augur well for democracy. 221. The greatest weakness of Benin’s Parliament, according to observers and stakeholders, is the fact that it is extremely money-conscious. The National Assembly seems to crystallise the weaknesses and defects of the democratic system in Benin, which is consumed by corruption. The list system ensures the election of wealthy candidates who can finance parties’ campaigns and bribe voters even if these candidates are illiterate, suspected of corruption, embezzling public funds or have questionable morals. It is only money – except in a few cases – that will ensure a place on a privileged party list, a passport to winning an election. The result of this is a large number of MPs of doubtful character who are implicated in corruption scandals and alleged to be 95