report or allude to perceptions about ethnic domination. 22 In addition, the South Africa CRR notes that differential access to resources on the part of different race groups (itself a function of past conflict and discrimination) drives resentment. 23 A related issue is that of citizenship. This is understood as the relationship of people with the state and the consequent sense of belonging and political agency they are able to exercise. Osita Agbu presents this as a key problem besetting many African countries. He argues that the ideal of equal national citizenship for all has been undermined by ethnic mobilisation, which has served to truncate citizenship rights for some, with destabilising consequences.24 This debate around citizenship feeds into a related one about the religious identity of some of the continent‘s states. It is an issue featured in the APRM, but with a noteworthy inconsistency. The Zambia CRR, for example, takes issue with the country‘s designation of itself as a ―Christian Nation‖, remarking that this could be a source of discrimination and recommending: ―The specification of Zambia as a ‗Christian Nation‘ and reference to ‗Christian values‘ need to be excised from the constitution.‖25 However, even though the Algerian Constitution ―has adopted Islam as the religion of the state‖ 26, the Algeria CRR makes no adverse comment on the Islamic character of that country. 27 And more broadly, several African states view themselves as embodying particular cultural or religious values, raising questions about whether such orientations are compatible with full citizenship for all, or constitute a hindrance to it. More generally, while the problems of ideological orientation are described in some detail in the APRM CRRs, the articulation of possible solutions is often vague and difficult to translate into concrete policy actions. Recommendations are typically couched in very broad terms. The Kenya CRR, for example, recommended that the Government ―establish a strong and enduring framework for the management of diversity.‘28 How this is to be done is not explored. Survey results: Responses to the survey conducted for this study suggested that across the continent constitutional and legal safeguards were adequate or even very good in the effort to promote inclusion across sectarian divides, but that this was not reflected as well in practice. Figure 1: Dealing with ethnic, cultural, religious diversity 40% 35.7% 35.7% 34.2% 35% 28.2% 30% 24.8% 25% 21.7% 20% 15% 7.7% 10% 5.1% 5% 4.4% 2.6% 0% Very Poor Poor Adequate Constitution and laws 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Good Very good In practice Rwanda CRR, p. 129; Uganda CRR, p. 297; Sierra Leone CRR, p. 346; Ethiopia CRR, p. 66 (referring to the need to “develop appropriate democratic values and a political culture that will prevent rehegemonisation by a national group or coalition of national and ethnic groups”). South Africa CRR, p. 288. See Agbu OA, Ethnicity and Democratisation in Africa: Challenges for politics and development, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011. Zambia CRR, p. 279. Algeria CRR, pp. 65. Algeria CRR, pp. 65, 78. Kenya CRR, p. 66. 17