Economic Governance and Management
Chapter 4
leader of the opposition. It has four divisions: corruption investigation,
corruption prevention and education, legal, and administration and
finance. The activities of ICAC centre on four areas: (i) education,
public sensitisation and awareness; (ii) preventing corruption via
the recommendations it makes to various government agencies on
what should be done to reduce the risk of corruption; (iii) preparing
and disseminating information on best practice and anticorruption
materials; and (iv) investigating cases of corruption. One shortcoming
in its mandate is that it may only prosecute cases of corruption if it
has the approval of the DPP. The authorities may want to revisit this
restriction, as it gives the impression that the hands of ICAC are tied.
575.
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ICAC cooperates with a number of institutions that deal with
corruption. The FIU focuses on money laundering. The NAO
is responsible for external audits of public finances. The MRA
collects all government revenues. The CPB manages government
procurement. It also works with the MOFEE. The work of the FIU
follows below, while chapter 3 and objective 3 in this chapter deal
with the other institutions.
576.
During the first few years of its existence, ICAC was plagued with a
number of problems. These included a lack of trained staff, shortages of
other capabilities and internal dissension. Even the present managers
of ICAC acknowledge that, because of these constraints, ICAC was
not effective during its early years. This negative assessment of ICAC
persists among high-level officials.
577.
ICAC started to launch energetic efforts to build its capacity, especially
its human resources, in 2006. It now has a staff of 140 and an active
training programme. Staff training happens twice a week. According
to the director of ICAC, it was only after 2006 that the institution
became truly operational.
578.
ICAC publishes annual reports that describe its activities and assess
its performance. The 2007/2008 report shows that the number of
corruption cases reported to ICAC increased from 900 in 2006/2007
to 1,100 in 2007/2008. Significantly, the number of cases reported by
individuals who were willing to be identified increased from 347 to 578
during the same period. Live investigations increased from 608 at the
end of June 2007 to 702 at the end of June 2008. In 2006/2007, 36 cases
were referred to the DPP. The DPP agreed to prosecute 23 of them.
The comparable figures for 2007/2008 were 59 and 21 respectively.
Other measures indicate increased activity over time by ICAC.
Chapter 4
Economic Governance and Management
579.
However, increased activity does not necessarily mean increased
effectiveness. While the management of ICAC believes that it is
carrying out its mandate effectively, most stakeholders and members
of the public do not share this view. The main complaint against
ICAC is that its investigations are very slow and rarely result
in prosecutions and convictions. The attention of the CRM was
frequently called to the failure of ICAC to prosecute and convict the
‘big fish’. ICAC was also often accused of timidity and bias because of
its failure to take action against some people for fear of being accused
of ethnic or religious bias.
580.
In its defence, ICAC pointed to a number of constraints. They include:
(i) the time it takes to investigate cases; (ii) its inability to initiate
prosecutions without the approval of the DPP; and (iii) the problem
it has in getting credible evidence to justify prosecution and get
convictions. Whistle-blowers often wish to remain anonymous, fail to
appear in court to give evidence or change their testimony when they
appear in court because of fear and intimidation.
581.
In summary, the public expects ICAC to prosecute and convict corrupt
people quickly, especially the ‘big fish’. Its failure to do so is at the
heart of the perception that it is ineffective and does not go after highly
placed and well-connected people suspected of corruption. Whether
the explanation and justification ICAC gives, as to why its rate of
prosecution and conviction of people accused of corruption is low,
has merit or not, corrective measures are necessary. Among them are
greater authority to initiate prosecutions, better protection of whistleblowers to encourage people to report and testify in corruption cases,
and more resources to accelerate investigations of corruption. Another
issue is sustaining the interest of the media and the public at large
in matters of corruption. It would seem that, at present, the media
and the public are only interested in corruption for short periods and
when there are sensational cases. This may be because of cynicism
about the outcomes of these cases. Whatever the reason, things need
to change. It is only through sustained media coverage of these cases
that the public will know what is being done and be empowered to
hold the government accountable for the vigorous enforcement of the
policy on corruption.
582.
The CRM identified a major shortcoming in the functioning of ICAC.
It has to do with following up on its recommendations. It would seem
that there is no formal institutional arrangement for the appropriate
authorities to consider reports of ICAC formally in order to act on its
findings and recommendations.
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