CHAPTER THREE: DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL GOVERNANCE
ii.
Findings of the CRM
298.
The CRM noted that few studies on corruption had been carried out in Algeria
and that, as a result, it was particularly difficult to obtain reliable documented
data. Statistics on the incidence of corruption reported within the framework
of the CSAR relate to one of the few studies called for by an international
institution in 2005. The CRM was unable to access results of any systematic
studies on the incidence of corruption in the political sphere.
299.
However, in the light of meetings held on the ground and from reading the
Algerian press, it would seem that the upper echelons of the government are
not free from corruption. According to the spokesperson for the Algerian
section of Transparency International, “the sum of Algerian capital illegally
transferred each year to foreign banks is in the region of 500 million dollars. A
large proportion of these sums comes from the misappropriation of funds in
public banks, cigarette contraband, drug trafficking, racketeering by armed
Islamist groups, and secret commission earned when large public tenders are
approved.”
300.
In 2005, the corruption index drawn up by Transparency International revealed
that Algeria obtained a score of 2.8 out of 10, compared with 2.6 in 2003 and
2.7 in 2004, placing the country among those where corruption is high. It
should be noted that the maximum is 4 out of 10 and Algeria therefore ranks
97th out of 159 countries.
301.
In its 2006 report, Transparency International states that “corruption remains
the principal obstacle to direct foreign investment in Algeria”. It emphasises
that, despite the official commitment of the Algerian authorities to eradicate
this scourge that is negatively impacting on the national economy, matters are
proceeding at a very slow pace. The document essentially reproaches the
authorities for the lack of transparency in economic management, but also for
withholding information which, in several instances, made investigation by the
press impossible. The El Khalifa scandal is cited as an example of official
stonewalling in the economic sphere. “According to documents released by the
French Court,” the report states, “the group unlawfully transferred 689 million
euros abroad. Despite this significant loss to the national economy, the
question did not attract the attention of the 2004 presidential candidates.”
302.
Transparency International nonetheless highlights “the advances achieved by
Algeria in the fight against corruption”. Its report cites the example of the
arrest of those responsible for the misappropriation of public funds, such as the
Wali of Blida, and the former Wali of Oran, who was forced to resign.
303.
The CRM notes that an analysis of the situation in Algeria reveals that both
the population and many officials are aware of the seriousness of the problem
of corruption. It also reveals the political will to combat the phenomenon by
putting in place a rigorous legal mechanism. The recent nature of this
mechanism and the equally recent establishment of an institution charged with
ensuring its follow-up do not allow assessment of its effectiveness as yet.
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