xix. As far as periodic political competition is concerned, General elections for a President and the National Assembly were held in 1994, 1999 and 2004, while another was due in 2009. Municipal elections were held in 1998, 2003 and 2008. The cycle of elections has been sustained since multiparty elections commenced, except for the municipal and district elections of 2007, which were postponed until 2009. Significantly, the term has been maintained. Former President Joachim Chissano refrained from seeking constitutional changes to extend his stay in office beyond the two five-year terms stipulated by the Constitution. In other countries on the continent this is the bane of democracy. Thus, elections conducted so far under the existing arrangements have laid the foundation for the consolidation of democracy and multiparty elections as the means of choosing political leaders. xx. After each election, with the exception of the municipal election of 2003, the results were rejected by the opposition. This fact remains a challenge to holding periodic elections. xxi. The playing field is not level for all political parties in Mozambique. The CRM was inundated with allegations of discriminatory administrative practices. This makes it costly for individuals to identify openly with any party other than the ruling party, FRELIMO. While it is not formal state policy to discriminate against non-FRELIMO supporters when recruiting for the public service, in practice most vacancies are allegedly filled on the basis of affiliation with the party. FRELIMO supporters are allowed to organise cells in their workplaces, hold meetings during office hours, and make financial contributions to the party using official channels to effect deductions from members’ salaries. xxii. The impact of alleged discriminatory administrative practices on the support base of opposition political parties and their electoral fortunes is not quantifiable. However, judging by the outcomes of successive elections since 1994, it would appear that electoral support for the opposition is gradually eroding. This raises questions about how effectively opposition parties can function in the long term, to afford voters a credible alternative leadership choice during elections. Another worrying factor is that voter turnout is on the decline. This is potentially an even greater hazard to the preservation of democracy in Mozambique than the system of leadership recruitment via competitive elections. xxiii. In an attempt to ensure that rights are promoted and protected, the Constitution guarantees a wide range of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, as well as duties. Mozambique is a party to the ICCPR, but not to the First Optional Protocol to this covenant. This would give individuals the right to access the complaint mechanisms under this covenant, but not those of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. 5