CHAPTER FOUR: ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE AND MANAGEMENT
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345.
The end of the period was, therefore, marked by the interventions of the
Bretton Woods Institutions. Strict conventional stabilisation programmes and
SAPs were ‘negotiated’ and implemented through various agreements. They
were not successful in terms of either growth or the social welfare of the
population. Social unrest followed and these soon became political
demonstrations. The collapse of the Soviet regime during the same period only
served to alienate the country further from socialist developmental policy and
a single-party system. The National Sovereign Conference marked the end of
this period and ushered in another.
346.
The third period (1990 to the present) was known as the Democratic New
Deal. It started at the conclusion of the National Sovereign Conference. The
return to liberalism, and its related governance systems, became the basis of
economic management. Then international aid arrived. It brought with it
internal social and political cohesion and a new-found confidence in managing
and mitigating social evils and for making the necessary efforts to establish
macroeconomic stability. The economic governance of this period was marked
not so much by the need for structural transformation as by the need to achieve
economic stability in order to create the conditions for economic recovery.
Day-to-day economic management ignored the importance of constructing a
new economic vision to solve the basic problems of Benin’s economy.
347.
The macroeconomic results were satisfactory in terms of economic growth,
external trade, public finances and inflation. The new democratic framework
helped enormously. However, this method of economic governance, based on
routine management, soon ran out of steam after the devaluation of the CFA
franc in 1994. The SAPs and he PRSP I could not resolve the country’s
economic difficulties. Its vulnerability to both internal and external shocks and
the weaknesses in the current style of economic management were clear,
particularly in the decline in growth and the standard of living of the
population. The issue of economic development and structural change boiled
down to a frantic search for financial equilibrium, which then served as a
developmental policy.
348.
Although the country had championed compliance with the macroeconomic
convergence criteria adopted in WAEMU, or at least most of them, its
competitiveness continued to decline. It became increasingly incapable of
playing its role as a transitional economy effectively. Benin’s heavy
dependence on the world’s economy and on the economy of its powerful
neighbour, Nigeria, did not help it to define, let alone implement, governance
– except in terms of routine economic management with a short-term
perspective. There was just no policy on structural change to assist in the
construction of an alternative and long-term vision. It is here that we find
another focus and core challenge for economic governance in Benin. This is to
define and implement a vision, for the Benin of tomorrow, to achieve
sustained and equitable growth, to reduce poverty, and to transform economic
structures into an integrated national economy that is open at both regional and
world levels and capable of resisting internal and external shocks.
131
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