Objective One: Prevent and Reduce Intra- and Inter-country Conflicts l. Summary of the CSAR Intra-state conflicts 117. According to the CSAR, the URT managed to maintain peace in the country by employing both formal and informal conflict resolution mechanisms to resolve a broad range of conflicts. A culture of bargaining and persuasion clearly became entrenched in the country’s political culture. For instance, the use of influential interlocutors contributed significantly to resolving political tension and post-election violence in Zanzibar with the adoption of the Muafaka Peace Accords I and II (1999 and 2001) and maridhiano (2009). 118. The CSAR noted the political and economic disagreements between Zanzibar and Mainland Tanzania in the URT. Local mediation institutions were established to address the problems, a series of agreements were signed, and several pieces of new legislation enacted to quell the economic disputes. 119. The perception and conviction of a departure from the original intent of the Union - as stated in the Articles of the Union –sparked debate over its legitimacy and the way the Union functions. These revolve around the nature of the Union Government: whether or not it referred to two or three Governments, a unitary or a federal structure, and accusations that the original Agreement list of 11 union matters was ‘unconstitutionally’ extended to 22 matters. The question of Zanzibar’s sovereignty within the Union resulted in Zanzibar’s demand for clarification of its status within the Union. Although it enjoys relative autonomy when it comes to managing its domestic affairs, it is not recognized as a sovereign country that can engage in external affairs. The CSAR pointed out that Zanzibar’s quest for a separate, sovereign identity has led it to demand constitutional amendments and the right to membership in international organizations. The CSAR further noted that amendments to Articles 1 and 2 of the Constitution of Zanzibar were interpreted as contravening the Union Constitution, thereby raising questions about the extent to which current Union structures are sustainable. 120. A current major resource conflict is over which Government - the URT or Zanzibar - has or should have legislative competence over oil and gas exploration around the Pemba Islands in Zanzibar. The URT Constitution does indeed stipulate that oil and gas are Union matters, yet there is no agreed revenue-sharing formula. Zanzibar rejected the revenue-sharing proposal from an external advisor and in 2010, its House of Representatives passed a resolution reiterating the position that oil and gas would be a preserve of Zanzibar and thus not a Union matter. 121. The CSAR observed the problems attendant to managing the transition to a multi-party dispensation evident from conflicts between the ruling party and the new opposition parties over the current Constitution. It claims that it does not adequately address the needs of multi-party politics. Currently, violent clashes between members of various political parties have been confined to election campaigning periods. Nevertheless, the CSAR noted the potential for an escalation in levels of politically-related violence amongst competing political parties. 122. Election-related violence in Zanzibar in 1995, 2000, and 2005 left the inhabitants divided and these crises are believed to have triggered other conflicts. For instance, in May 2008, a group of Pemba elders submitted a petition to the United Nations calling for the island’s secession from Zanzibar and the Union. They cited marginalisation of the region, amongst other issues. 123. Political parties are rocked by intra-party conflicts between different factions or camps. These conflicts are reportedly driven by abuse of financial resources namely, grants given to political parties (ruzuku wars), or by controversy over leadership styles or personal political ambitions. 124. The CSAR observed the tension caused by the jurisdictional authority of presidential appointees: District Commissioners and the District Councillors elected to the District Councils won over by the opposition in the 2000 General Elections. In addition to making it impossible for the councils to function effectively, these clashes have raised questions about the separation of powers between the appointed DC’s office and elected District Councillors. Similarly, Central Government and Local Councillors clashed over the apportioning and location of newly-established council headquarters. 46