CHAPTER THREE: DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL GOVERNANCE
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What this in effect means is that a total of 41.6% 4 of those polled had
experienced corruption.
289.
290.
4
Incidents of electoral corruption. According to the CSAR, there are varying
levels of such corruption:
•
Electoral corruption ahead of elections: if electoral corruption is more
noticeable on the day of elections, what must be borne in mind is that it
often takes root upstream. It thus occurs either at the time of preparation of
electoral lists (fraudulent registration resulting from corruption) or during
the pre-election period (manipulation of lists already compiled). Upstream
electoral corruption is more discreet and effective, as controls are
nonexistent or ineffective.
•
Electoral corruption after elections: although only the tip of the iceberg,
such corruption can be easily detected by the monitoring mechanisms set
in motion on the day of elections and through maximum vigilance
(national and international observers). Such corruption can consist in a
variety of manoeuvres to ensure that the choice of the voters will truly be
based on the gains of corruption.
•
Electoral corruption outside any election: electoral corruption is a system
that is maintained even in the absence of forthcoming elections. It is,
however, less intense in these off-election periods.
Negative consequences of corruption. For the CSAR, electoral corruption is
not only complex and elusive, but also imperils democracy. Electoral
corruption creates negative consequences for democracy at several levels:
•
It affects the quality of national or local representation: corrupted elections
are not conducive to the selection of the best candidates (in terms of
quality and motivation). The risk of corruption is so great that honest
citizens are reluctant to present themselves for election, since their chances
of success are reduced in such a context. The electoral field is then reduced
to that of a competition between corrupt candidates. This is the vicious
cycle of mediocrity caused by corruption.
•
It stains the legitimacy of election consultations and leaders: the elections
lose their quality of a democratic mechanism for contesting political power
and become a mere instrument of legitimisation of political power
fraudulently won. Citizens refrain from voting so as not to support such
practices. Leaders lose legitimacy and cannot claim to be the true
representatives of the nation. In addition, the people may also suffer at the
international level as a result of this lack of legitimacy, the risk being
reduced external assistance.
Evidently, the CSAR made a mistake, because the accumulated percentage of people having
experienced corruption is not 41.6%, as asserted in the report, but 52.7% (17.7+17.9+17.1).
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