294. There are indications that the playing field is not level for all political parties in Mozambique. In interactive sessions with stakeholders, there were numerous allegations of discriminatory administrative practices that make it costly for individuals to identify openly with another party other than the ruling party, FRELIMO. It is alleged that, while it is not formal state policy to discriminate against non-FRELIMO supporters in recruitment into the public service (which would go against the Constitution), in practice most vacancies are filled on the basis of affiliation with the party. 295. The electoral system provides for public funding of political parties. Until 2007, this was subject to the political parties having won at least 5 per cent of the votes at an election. After the 1994 elections, only three political parties (FRELIMO, RENAMO and the Democratic Union) qualified for public funding and, since 1999, only the two main parties have qualified for public funding. Thus, the resource gap persists for most of the political parties. 296. The impact of the alleged discriminatory administrative practices on the support base of opposition political parties and their electoral fortunes is not quantifiable. Evidently, however, the electoral support for the opposition is gradually eroding, judged by the outcomes of successive elections since 1994. The percentages of votes won by the largest opposition party, RENAMO, in the Assembly of the Republic elections have been as follows: 37.78 per cent and 112 seats in 1994 (with 44.33 per cent and 129 seats for FRELIMO); 38.79 per cent and 117 seats in 1999 (with 48.55 per cent and 133 seats for FRELIMO); 29.735 per cent and 90 seats in 2004 (62.03 per cent and 160 seats for FRELIMO). 13 297. In the presidential elections, the outcomes were as follows: in 1994, Afonso Dhlakama (RENAMO) 33.7 per cent and Joachim Chissano (FRELIMO) 53.3 per cent; in 1999, Afonso Dhlakama (RENAMO) 47.7 per cent and Joachim Chissano (FRELIMO) 52.3 per cent; and in 2004, Afonso Dhlakama (RENAMO) 31.74 per cent and Armando Guebuza (FRELIMO) 63.74 per cent. Gradual erosion of electoral support for the opposition parties raises questions about their capability to function effectively, in the long term, in order to afford the people of Mozambique a credible alternative leadership choice during elections. Part of the problem appears to be the lack of internal democracy and cohesion of the opposition, particularly RENAMO, whose leadership is in a more or less permanent crisis with dissidents being purged periodically. 298. Besides, voter turnout has been declining, portending an even greater hazard to the sustenance of electoral democracy in Mozambique as a system of leadership recruitment through competitive elections. Official statistics of voter turnout could not be obtained during the CRM, but EISA’s Election Observation Mission to the 2004 general elections reported voter turnouts in the general elections as follows: 88 per cent in 1994; 74 per cent in 1999; and 43.6 per 13 OSISA (2009: Table 6.1, 6.2 and 6.3). 116 A P R M COU N T RY R EV IEW R EP ORT NO. 11